The
name Bahrain comes from Arabic Bahárayn, literally meaning
'two seas', which is thought to be an inaccurate folk etymology
for the much older, non-Semitic term, Bahran; according to some
scholars Bahran originates from Varahrdn, the later form of the
old Avestan Verethragna - a Zoroastrian divinity that is the hypostasis
of victory.
The Dilmun era
The history of Bahrain goes back more than five thousand years to
its role as the centre of the ancient civilisation of Dilmun, which
dominated the trade routes between Sumer and the Indus Valley. For
the history of Bahrain until the arrival of Islam in the 7th century,
see Dilmun.
In the first century AD, Bahrain
was referred to by the Greeks as "Tylos", the centre of
pearl trading, when Nearchus came to discover it serving under Alexander
the Great. The town of Muharraq was referred to as "Arados"
(now there is "Arad" in Muharraq) (Larsen, p. 13).
While Bahrain was never incorporated
into the Roman Empire it did become a centre for Christianity(Larsen,
p107): church records show that Bahrain was the seat of two of the
five Nestorian bishoprics existing on the Arabian side of the Persian
Gulf at the time of the arrival of Islam. It is uncertain when the
two bishoprics were dissolved though they are known to have survived
until 835. Nestorian Christianity left its traces in Muharraq, and
Christian names, like the village of Dair (ie parish), Samahij (used
to be the name of a bishop) remain until today. Muharraq was also
the centre of the worship for the cult of Awal, and between the
end of Tylos and the arrival of Islam, Bahrain was known by this
term(Larsen, p108).
The arrival of Islam
During the emergence of Islam
in the sixth century (until early in the sixteenth century) Bahrain
referred to the wider historical region of Bahrain stretching on
the Persian Gulf coast from Basrah to the Strait of Hormuz. This
was Iqlim al-Ba?rayn, i.e. the Province of Bahrain, and the Arab
inhabitants of the province were descendants of the Arab tribe Bani
Abd al-Qais. This larger Bahrain comprised three regions: Hajar
(present day Al-Hasa in Saudi Arabia), Al-Khatt (present day Al-Qatif
in Saudi Arabia) and Awal (present day Bahrain). The name Awal remained
in use, probably, for eight centuries. Awal was derived from the
name of an idol that used to be worshipped before Islam by the inhabitants
of the islands. The centre of the Awal cult was Muharraq.
Bahrainis were amongst the first
to embrace Islam. Mohammed ruled Bahrain through one of his representatives,
Al-Ala'a Al-Hadhrami. Bahraini embraced Islam in 629 (the seventh
year of hijra). Al Khamis Mosque, founded in 692, was one of the
earliest mosques built in Bahrain, in the era of Umayyad caliph
Umar II.
The expansion of Islam did not
affect Bahrain's reliance on trade, and its prosperity continued
to be dependent on markets in Mesopotamia. After Baghdad emerged
as the seat of the caliph in 750 and the main centre of Islamic
civilization, Bahrain greatly benefited from the city's increased
demand for foreign goods especially from China and South Asia.
Bahrain became a principal centre
of knowledge for hundreds of years stretching from the early days
of Islam in the sixth century to the eighteenth century. Philosophers
of Bahrain were highly esteemed, such as the 13th Century mystic,
Sheikh Maitham Al-Bahrani (died in 1299). (The mosque of Sheikh
Maitham together with his tomb can be visited in the outskirts of
the capital, Manama, near the district of Mahooz).
al-Qaramita
In the end of the third Hijri century, Abu Sa'id al-Hasan al-Janaby
led the Revolution of al-Qaramita, a rebellion by a messianic Ismaili
sect originating in Baghdad. Al-Janaby took over the city of Hajr,
Bahrain's capital in that time, in addition to al-Hasa, which he
made the capital of his nation and sought to create a utopian society.
The Qarmatians' goal in Bahrain
was to build a society based on reason, tolerance and equality.
All property within the community was distributed evenly among all
intiates. The Qarmatians were organized as an esoteric society but
not as a secret one. Their activities were public and openly propagated,
but new member had to undergo an initiation ceremony involving seven
stages, similar to the system of Mithraism. The Qarmatian world
view was one where every phenomena repeated itself in cycles, where
every incident was replayed over and over again.
From Bahrain, the Qarmatians raided
Baghdad and sacked Mecca and Medina in 930. The sacking of Islam's
holiest sites saw the Qarmatians desecrate the Well of Zamzam with
corpses of Hajj pilgrims and take the Black Stone from Mecca to
Bahrain. The sack of Mecca followed millenarian excitement among
the Qarmatians (as well as in Persia) over the conjunction of Saturn
and Jupiter in 928. Bahrain became the seat of the Qarmatian Mahdi-Caliph
from Isfahan who abolished Sharia law. The new Mahdi also changed
the qibla of prayer from Mecca to that of fire, a specifically Zoroastrian
practice.
For much of the tenth century
the Bahraini Ismailis were the most powerful force in the Persian
Gulf and Middle East, controlling the coast of Oman and collected
tribute from the caliph in Baghdad as well as from a rival Ismaili
Abbasid imam in Cairo, whom they did not recognize. They were eventually
defeated in battle in 976 by the Abbasids, which precipitated the
waning of Qarmatian power and by the twelfth century the Ismailis
had virtually disappeared from the entire Persian Gulf.
In the sixth hijri century, Genghis
Khan, the Emperor of Mongol Empire took over Bahrain. It was taken
over by Hulagu Khan around a hundred years later. When Hulagu died,
Bahrain was liberated from the Mongol Empire.
Portuguese invasions and Persian influence
Portuguese expansion into the Indian Ocean in the early sixteenth
century following Vasco da Gama's voyages of exploration saw them
battle the Ottomans up the coast of the Persian Gulf. Reputedly,
the first Portuguese traveller to visit Bahrain was Duarte Barbosa
in 1485.
The Arabian navigator, Ahmad Bin
Majid, visited Bahrain in 1489 and gave a contemporary account of
the country that the first Portuguese would have seen: "In
Awal (Bahrain) there are 360 villages and sweet water can be found
in a number of places. A most wonderful al-Qasasir, where a man
can dive into the salt sea with a skin and can fill it with fresh
water while he is submerged in the salt water. Around Bahrain are
pearl fisheries and a number of islands all of which have pearl
fisheries and connected with this trade are 1,000 ships".
In 1521, a Portuguese force led
by commander Antonio Correia invaded Bahrain to take control of
the wealth created by its pearl industry. The defeated King Muqrin
was beheaded after Correia defeated his forces near present day
Karbabad and took control of the fort "Qala'at Al-Bahrain".
The bleeding head of King Muqrin was later depicted on the Coat
of Arms of Antonio Correia.
The Portuguese ruled through brutal
force against the inhabitants for eighty years, until they were
driven out of the island in 1602, when an uprising was sparked by
the governor's order of the execution of the island's richest traders.
The uprising coincided with regional disputes between the Portuguese
and rival European powers. The power vacuum that resulted was almost
immediately filled by the Persian ruler, Shah Abbas I, whose general
Allahverdi Khan invaded the island and subsumed it within the Safavid
Empire.
The Al Khalifa and the British treaties
In 1783, the Al Khalifa clan (of the Bani Utub tribe) invaded and
captured Bahrain from their base in Zubara in neighbouring Qatar.
The leader of the clan at the time was Ahmad ibn Mohammed Al Khalifa
who is now referred to as Ahmed Al Fateh ("Ahmed the Conqueror").
In 1799 the Al Khalifa were evicted from Bahrain to be replaced
first by the rule of the Sultanate of Oman and then the Wahhabis.
The Al Khalifa regained control of the country in 1811 when they
launched another attack from Zubara With Baluch's (Al Bloush).
In 1820 the Al Khalifa signed
the General Treaty of Peace with the British, agreeing not to engage
in piracy unless they were in a state of war. A binding treaty of
protection, known as the Perpetual Truce of Peace and Friendship,
was concluded in 1861, ushering in the period of colonialism in
Bahrain, and was further revised in 1892 and 1951. This treaty was
similar to those entered into by the British Government with the
other Persian Gulf principalities. It specified that the ruler could
not dispose of any of his territory except to the United Kingdom
and could not enter into relationships with any foreign government
without British consent. In return the British promised to protect
Bahrain from all aggression by sea and to lend support in case of
land attack. More importantly the treaty the British promised to
support the rule of the Al Khalifa in Bahrain, securing its unstable
position as rulers of the country.
Bahrain underwent a period of
major social reform between 1926 and 1957, under the de facto rule
of Charles Belgrave, the British advisor to Shaikh Hamad ibn Isa
Al-Khalifa (1872-1942). The country's first modern school was established
in 1919, with the opening of the Al-Hiddaya Boys School, while the
Persian Gulf's first girls school opened in 1928. The American Mission
Hospital, established by the Dutch Reform Church, began work in
1903. Other reforms include the abolition of slavery, while the
pearl diving industry developed at a rapid pace.
These reforms were often opposed
vigorously by powerful groups within Bahrain including sections
within the ruling family, tribal forces, the religious authorities
and merchants. In order to counter conservatives, the British removed
the Emir, Isa bin Ali Al Khalifa, replacing him with his son in
1923. Some Sunni tribes such as the al Dossari were forcibly removed
from Bahrain and sent to mainland Arabia, while clerical opponents
of social reforms were exiled to Saudi and Iran, and the heads of
some merchant and notable families were likewise exiled. The Britain’s
interest in pushing Bahrain’s development was motivated by
concerns about Saudi-Wahabbi and Iranian ambitions.
The discovery of oil and the Leftist movement
The discovery of oil in 1932 made Bahrain the first location in
the Persian Gulf to have oil wells sunk. Oil production required
thousands of workers, attracting peasants as well as enfranchised
slaves who had become free men thanks to the end of slavery and
debt bondage. As the first oil wells were being drilled, the pearl
diving industry, hitherto the main source of income for the country,
collapsed because of competition from cultured pearls produced in
Japan. This provided a further pool of labour needed by the new
oil industry. It was the bringing together of all these disperate
groups that prompted the emergence of an indigenous working class
and the Leftist politics they adopted was to have important repercussions
for the development of Bahraini society over the next fifty years.
During the Second World War, Bahrain
fought on the side of the Allies, declaring war on Germany on September
10, 1939. It was a key base for the allies to safeguard oil supplies
in the Persian Gulf and was the subject of Italian air raids on
its oil refineries on October 20, 1940 from bases in East Africa.
The National Union Committee (NUC),
a Leftist Nationalist movement associated with the labor unions,
was formed in 1954 calling for the end of British interference and
political reforms. Work sites were plagued with frequent strikes
and occasional riots (including several fatalities) during this
period. Following riots in support of Egypt defending itself against
the tripartite invasion during 1956 Suez Crisis, the British decided
to put an end to the NUC challenge to their presence in Bahrain.
The NUC and its offshoots were declared illegal. Its leaders were
arrested, tried and imprisoned. Some fled the country while others
were forcibly deported.
Strikes and riots continued during
the 1960s, now under the leadership of underground cells of the
NUC, namely the Communist National Liberation Front and the Bahraini
section of the Arab Nationalist Movement.
Independence and the constitutional experiment
After World War II, Bahrain became the centre for British administration
of the lower Persian Gulf. In 1968, when the British Government
announced its decision to end the treaty relationships with the
Persian Gulf sheikdoms, Bahrain joined with Qatar and the seven
Trucial States (which now form the United Arab Emirates) under British
protection in an effort to form a union of Arab emirates. By mid-1971,
however, the nine sheikhdoms still had not agreed on the terms of
union. Accordingly, Bahrain sought independence as a separate entity
and became fully independent on August 15, 1971, as the State of
Bahrain.
The emirate emerged just as the
price of oil sky rocketted after the 1973 Arab-Israeli war; while
Bahrain's own reserves were being depleted the high oil price meant
there was massive capitalisation in the Kingdom's neighbours. The
Kingdom was able to exploit this new to attract massive inward investment
thanks to another war in the Levant in 1975: the Lebanese civil
war. Beirut had long been the financial centre of the Arab world,
but the outbreak of hostilities in the country had an immediate
impact on the banking industry. Bahrain offered a new location at
the centre of the booming Persian Gulf with a large educated indigenous
workforce and sound fiscal regulations. Exploiting this opportunity
saw a massive growth in the industry in the country, and bolstered
the development of the middle class, and thus giving Bahrain a very
different class structure to its tribal dominated neighbours.
Although there had long been an
large Indian presence in Bahrain, it was at this time that mass
migration to the Kingdom began to take off with massive subsequent
consequences for the Kingdom's demographics, as large numbers of
third world immigrants from countries such as the Philippines, Pakistan,
Egypt and Iran were attracted by better salaries than at home.
Based on its new constitution,
Bahraini men elected its first National Assembly in 1973 (although
Article 43 of the 1973 Constitution states that the Assembly is
to be elected by "universal suffrage", the conditional
clause "in accordance with the provisions of the electoral
law" allowed the regime to prevent women from participating).
Although the Assembly and the then emir Isa ibn Salman al-Khalifa
quarreled over a number of issues: foreign policy; the U.S. naval
presence, and the budget, the biggest clash came over the State
Security Law (SSL). The Assembly refused to ratify the government-sponsored
law, which allowed, among other things, the arrest and detention
of people for up to three years, (renewable) without a trial. The
legislative stalemate over this act created a public crisis, and
on August 25, 1975, the emir dissolved the Assembly. The emir then
ratified the State Security Law by decree, and suspended those articles
in the constitution dealing with the legislative powers of the Assembly.
In that same year, the emir established the State Security Court,
whose judgments were not subject to appeal.
The Iranian Revolution and social and political change
The tide of political Islam that swept the Middle East in the 1970s
culminating in the Iranian Revolution in 1979 was to have profound
implications for Bahrain's social and political development.
There were a number of factors
that had caused Bahrain to be more liberal than its neighbours,
but all of these were challenged by the zeitgeist of religious fundamentalism.
Bahrain's pluralist traditions were to a large extent a result of
the complex confessional and demographic make up of the state, which
required Shias, Sunnis, Persianized Arabs, Persians and a plethora
of minority faiths to live and work together; this tolerance had
been buttressed by the prominence of Arab nationalism and Marxism
as the main modes of dissent, both of which were socially progressive
and downplayed religious affiliations; while the country's traditional
dependence on trade further encouraged openness.
Even before Iran's Revolution
in 1979, there was a noticeable conservative trend growing, with
the traditional abaya being donned by women in preference to the
then popular mini-skirt. But it was the political earthquake represented
by the Shah's fall that changed the dynamics of Bahrain's politics.
Ayatollah Khomeini's Iran immediately saw their co-religionists
in Bahrain, who had grown more conscious of their own religious
identity during this period, as prime agents to export the revolution.
The failure of the Left to offer a political or philosophical challenge
to the Islamists allowed them quickly to dominate the avenues of
dissent.
In 1981, an Iranian front organisation,
the Islamic Front for the Liberation of Bahrain attempted a coup
d'etat with the plan involving the assassination of Bahrain's leadership
and an Islamist uprsing. The aim was to install a clerical leadership
with Iraqi cleric Hadi al-Mudarrisi as supreme leader, but the coup
was detected after a tip off from a friendly intelligence source.
The failed coup along with the
outbreak of the Iran-Iraq War led to the formation of the Gulf Cooperation
Council which Bahrain joined with Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia
and the United Arab Emirates. The sense of regional uncertainty
was further heightened when Saddam Hussein's Iraq invaded Kuwait
followed by the 1991 Persian Gulf War.
Years of political stasis combined
with the collapse of the price of oil, saw growing frustration at
the lack of democracy explode into an uprising in 1994. While previous
advocacy of reforms had been secular in character, the uprising
was specifically Islamist beginning with the stoning of female competitors
in a marathon race for wearing 'inappropriate' clothing. Until 1998,
Bahrain was hit by riots and bomb attacks, while the police responded
with heavy handed tactics. In all over forty people were killed.
(For more details see Adel Darwish in the Middle East Review of
International Affairs).
The State Security Law era and the 1990s uprising
The prelude and aftermath of the Iranian Revolution in 1979 encouraged
Shia Islamist dissent across the Middle East. Ayatollah Khomeini's
Iran immediately saw their co-religionists in Bahrain, who had grown
more conscious of their own religious identity during this period,
as prime agents to export the revolution. The failure of the Left
to offer a political or philosophical challenge to the Islamists
allowed them quickly to dominate the avenues of dissent.
In 1981, an Iranian front organisation,
the Islamic Front for the Liberation of Bahrain attempted a coup
d'etat with the plan involving the assassination of Bahrain's leadership
and an Islamist uprsing. The aim was to install a clerical leadership
with Iraqi cleric Hadi al-Mudarrisi as supreme leader, but the coup
was detected after a tip off from a friendly intelligence source.
The Islamic Front was later to
carry out a series of bomb attacks in the Kingdom during the 1990s
as part of an Islamist uprising against the government. The Front
bombed the Diplomat Hotel on 1 November 1996, with the group telling
the Associated Press "We put a bomb in the Diplomat hotel 20
minutes ago...after the feast...tell the government that we will
destroy everyplace."
However, it would be a mistake
to consider the Islamist violence to be purely foreign instigated:
due to perceived discrimination against the majority Shia population
of Bahrain by the Al Khalifa rulers, there was a strong sense of
grievance. The extent to which this discrimination occurred is open
to debate, considering that many of the richest families in the
Kingdom were Shia.
In the aftermath of the Persian
Gulf War and the collapse of the Soviet Union, and encouraged by
electoral and parliamentary developments in Kuwait, Bahraini opponents
of the govenrment sensed an opportunity to raise again the issue
of elections and their own parliament. In 1992, following informal
discussions, a group consisting mainly of clerics and businessmen
led by Islamist leader Abdul Amir Al Jamri, drew up a petition that
was then signed by more than 300 prominent individuals, known as
the "elite petition". The signatories were fairly evenly
split between Shia and Sunni, and between Islamists and secular
nationalists. It asked for restoration of the National Assembly
and the constitution of 1975, and participation by the population
in decision making. After listening to their demands, the emir responded
that the government planned to establish a consultative council
(appointed directly by the emir), which would be the appropriate
institution to serve the population, and that there could be no
further discussion on the subject.
The failure of this petition led
to the second petition, the so-called general or popular petition
of 1994. This mass petition was reportedly signed by some 22,000
people. To pre-empt the delivery of the petition to the emir, the
regime arrested several of the leading Shia clerics who were organising
the petition, including Ali Salman, after they were accused of inciting
their stoning of women competitors in a marathon race.
The uprising was specifically
Islamist in character, beginning with the stoning of the leading
team in the Bahrain Marathon Relay race after they ran along a road
alongside a conservative village. Women's participation in the race
had been cited as immoral by conservative clerics in the run up
to the race, and a large group were amassed on one of the race hand
over stages demonstrating, when one of the SAAD Track Club team
passed the demonstrators, the runner was attacked and knocked to
the ground. The uprising was characterised by riots, stonings and
bomb attacks, which targeted the government, the middle classes,
third world immigrants and liberals.
The uprising was led by London
based Islamist group, the Bahrain Freedom Movement. According to
Egyptian liberal journalist Adel Darwish: "Interviews with
BFM leaders leave little doubt about the totalitarian nature of
their type of Islamic fundamentalist ideology. Their final aim is
to declare an Iranian-style Islamic republic."
The political impasse continued
over the next few years during which time the regime dealt with
its opponents using severe repression. Bomb attacks and police brutality
marked this period in which over forty people were killed in violence
between the two sides. Although the violence was never entirely
stopped by the security measures it was contained and continued
as low level intermitten disturbances.
King Hamad and his reforms
In 1999 Shaykh Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa became Amir after the death
of his father, Shaykh Isa bin Salman Al Khalifa, and carried out
wide ranging social and political reforms, described by Amnesty
International as representing an 'historic period for human rights'.
King Hamad ended the political repression that had defined the 1990s
by scrapping security laws, releasing all political prisoners, instituting
elections, giving women the vote and promising a return to constitutional
rule. The move brought an end to political violence, but did not
initially bring about a reconciliation between the government and
most of the opposition groups.
The invitation to Bahrain's former
exiles to return home revitalised the Kingdom's politics. Exiled
leaders included a number of London based Islamists including Dr
Majid Al Alawi who became Minister of Labour, Dr Mansur Al Jamri
who became editor of the new opposition daily, Al Wasat, and Sheikh
Ali Salman who became head of the newly established Shia Islamist
Al Wefaq, Bahrain's largest political group. Former Leftist dissidents
formed the National Democratic Action, the Communist Democratic
Bloc, and the Bahrain Human Rights Society. Leftists were also involved
in the new trade union movement, although they faced competition
from Islamists for control of several unions.
Following the political liberalisation
Bahrain negotiated a Free Trade Agreement with the United States
in 2004. The country participated in military action against the
Taliban in 2001 with its ships patrolling the Arabian Sea searching
for vessels, but opposed the invasion of Iraq. Relations improved
with neighbouring Qatar after the border dispute over the Hawar
Islands was resolved by the International Court of Justice in The
Hague in 2001. The two are now building the Qatar-Bahrain Friendship
Bridge to link the countries across the Persian Gulf, which will
be the longest fixed link bridge in the world when completed.
In 2001 Hamad put forward the
National Action Charter which would return the country to constitutional
rule. However the opposition was opposed to the Charter's call for
an amendment to the 1973 Constitution, changing the legislature
from unicameral to bicameral. The Charter stated that "the
legislature will consist of two chambers, namely one that is constituted
through free, direct elections whose mandate will be to enact laws,
and a second one that would have people with experience and expertise
who would give advice as necessary." The opposition groups
deemed this statement to be too ambiguous, and remained opposed
to the Charter.
Hamad responded by holding a highly
publicized meeting with the spiritual leaders of the Shia Islamist
opposition. He signed a document clarifying that the only the elected
lower house of the parliament would have legislative power, while
the appointed upper house would have a strictly advisory role. Upon
this assurance, the main opposition groups accepted the Charter
and called for a 'Yes' vote in the national referendum. The Charter
was accepted in the 2001 referendum with 98.4% voting 'Yes' for
it.
However, in 2002 Hamad promulgated
the 2002 Constitution in which both the elected and the royally-appointed
chambers of parliament were given equal legislative powers, going
back on his public promise of 2001. As a result, the parliamentary
elections due to be held later that year were boycotted by a group
of four political societies:
Al Wefaq, a Shia Islamist group,
thought to be the most popular political society in the country
National Democratic Action, the largest Leftist political society
Islamic Action Society, a marginal Shia Islamist society
Nationalist Democratic Rally Society, a marginal Arab Nationalist
society
Between 2002 and 2006, the four boycotting societies continued their
demand for discussions on constitutional reforms. By 2006 these
four party opposition indicated that it would participate in the
parliamentary elections, but retain their demand for constitutional
reform at the top of their agenda.
External links
Timeline:
Bahrain, BBC
Bahrain:
The last 100 years Life before and after the discovery of oil
History
of Bahrain on an Islamist opposition website
Rahmah
of the Gulf, Jon Mandaville, Saudi Aramco World, May 1975
Qarmatians
in Bahrain, Ismaili Net.
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