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Politics
of Bahrain takes place in a framework of a constitutional monarchy,
with an executive appointed by the king, Shaikh Hamad bin Isa Al
Khalifa and a bi-cameral legislature, with the Chamber of Deputies
elected by universal suffrage, and the Shura Council appointed directly
by the king. The head of the government is Prime Minister Khalifa
bin Sulman Al Khalifa and the Crown Prince is Shaikh Salman bin
Hamad Al Khalifa, who serves as Commander of the Bahrain Defense
Forces. MP Khalifa Al Dhahrani is the Speaker of Parliament.
Political
background
Since he succeeded as head of state in 1999, Sheikh Hamad has initiated
wide ranging political reforms scrapping the restrictive state security
laws, giving women the right to vote, freeing all political prisoners
and holding parliamentary elections. The first poll was held in
2002, with MPs serving four year terms; the second parliamentary
election will take place on 25 November 2006.
The reforms are based on the National
Action Charter, a package of political changes that was endorsed
by the people of Bahrain on February 14, 2001, in a popular referendum
that saw a 98.4% vote in favour. Among other issues, the referendum
paved the way for national elections and for the country to become
a constitutional monarchy, changing the country's official name
from the State of Bahrain to the Kingdom of Bahrain (a change which
took effect in February 2002). Parliamentary elections took place
on 26 October 2002 with the new legislature, the National Assembly,
beginning work the following month.
The Islamist led opposition boycotted
the 2002 election in protest at the bicameral nature of the parliament,
because the appointed upper chamber, the Shura Council, has the
ability to veto legislation. Shura members have responded by pointing
out that an appointed upper chamber is a feature of long established
democracies such as the United Kingdom and Canada.
However, the principle behind
the Al Wefaq's boycott - that only elected MPs should have the right
to legislate - was undermined when, in response to proposed changes
to the family law to give women more rights, Al Wefaq stated that
no one except religious leaders has authority to amend the law because
MPs could 'misinterpret the word of God'.
Democratisation has greatly enhanced
clerical influence, through the ability of religious leaders to
deliver the votes of their congregations to candidates. Sheikh Abdullah
Al Ghraifi, the deputy head of the Islamic Scholars Council, gave
a clear warning of the clerics' intent: "We have at our disposition
150,000 votes that we will forward to the MPs, and I hope that they
understand this message clearly." Over the showdown with the
government and women's rights activists on the introduction of stronger
legal rights for women, clerics have taken a lead in mobilising
the opposition, and threatened to instruct their supporters to vote
against MPs that support women's rights.
The opening up of politics has
seen big gains for both Shi?a and Sunni Islamists in elections,
which has given them a parliamentary platform to pursue their policies.
This has meant that what are termed "morality issues"
have moved further up the political agenda with parties launching
campaigns to impose bans on female mannequins displaying lingerie
in shop windows, sorcery and the hanging of underwear on washing
lines. Analysts of democratisation in the Middle East cite the Islamists'
references to respect for human rights in their justification for
these programmes as evidence that these groups can serve as a progressive
force in the region.
Bahraini liberals have responded
to the growing power of religious extremist parties by organising
themselves to campaign through civil society in order to defend
basic personal freedoms from being legislated away. In November
2005, al Muntada, a grouping of liberal academics, launched "We
Have A Right", a campaign to explain to the public why personal
freedoms matter and why they need to be defended.
Both Sunni and Shi?a Islamists
suffered a setback in March 2006 when twenty municipal councillors,
most of whom represented religious extremist parties, went missing
in Bangkok on an unscheduled stop over when returning from a conference
in Malaysia . After the missing councillors eventually arrived in
Bahrain they defended their Bangkok stay, telling journalists it
was a "fact-finding mission", explaining: "We benefited
a lot from the trip to Thailand because we saw how they managed
their transport, landscaping and roads."
Women's political rights in Bahrain
saw an important step forward when women were granted the right
to vote and stand in national elections for the first time in 2002's
election. However, no women were elected to office in that year’s
polls and instead Shi?a and Sunni Islamists dominated the election,
collectively winning a majority of seats. In response to the failure
of women candidates, six were appointed to the Shura Council, which
also includes representatives of the Kingdom’s indigenous
Jewish and Christian communities. The country's first female cabinet
minister was appointed in 2004 when Dr. Nada Haffadh became Minister
of Health, while the quasi-governmental women's group, the Supreme
Council for Women has been training female candidates to take part
in 2006's general election.
The King recently created the
Supreme Judicial Council to regulate the country's courts and institutionalize
the separation of the administrative and judicial branches of government.
On 11 November–12 November
2005, Bahrain hosted the Forum for the Future bringing together
leaders from the Middle East and G8 countries to discuss political
and economic reform in the region.
Shia and Sunni Islamists have
both criticised the government over the composition of the appointed
Shura Council, after it was given a strongly liberal majority, with
Al Meethaq being the biggest group in the chamber. Critics allege
that the government is seeking to use the Shura Council as a liberal
bullwark to prevent clerical domination of politics.
Dominated by Islamist and tribal
MPs, liberals have criticised the lower house for trying to impose
a restrictive social agenda and curtailing freedoms. Those MPs who
do not have an Islamist ideological agenda have been criticised
for tending to approach politics not as a way of promoting principles,
but as a means of securing government jobs and investment in their
constituencies. The only voices that regularly speak in favour of
human rights and democratic values in the lower house are the former
communists of the Democratic Bloc and the secular Economists Bloc.
Anti-government factions state
that the five municipal councils elected in 2002 do not have enough
powers. Islamist councillors have repeatedly complained that their
policies on such issues as the introduction of racial segregation
and lingerie mannequins are being frustrated by lack of cooperation
from central government. This has encouraged councillors to use
at times innovative methods to push forward their policies. In January
2006, Dr Salah Al Jowder, an Asalah councillor in Muharraq discussed
how the municipality would enforce a decree that would stipulate
that all new buildings be fitted with one-way windows so that residents
are unable to see out (after concerns were raised about peeping
toms). Dr Al Jowder's explained that the municipality's would enforce
the measure by using its control over the electricity supply: "We
can't stop someone from building if they do not promise to instal
one-way windows. But we can make him put in one-way windows if he
wants permission to instal electricity."
In October 2005, Al Wefaq and
the former Maoist National Democratic Action agreed to register
under the new Political Societies Law, but continue to object to
it on the grounds that it prevented parties receiving foreign funding.
The move has been widely seen as indicating that the two parties
will take part in 2006's general election, particularly as they
have faced considerable pressure from party members to participate.
In fact once the law came into effect, Al Wefaq reversed its previous
opposition and described it as a 'big milestone for Bahrain'.
In an effort to revitalise the
Left in advance of the September 2006 general election, leading
lawyer, Abdullah Hashem launched the National Justice Movement in
March 2006. While Bahrain's liberals have sought to use the opening
of civil society to campaign against Islamist domination of politics,
with a campaign to protect personal freedoms, We Have A Right, led
by the civic group, Al Muntada.
Bahrain's five governorates are
administered by the Minister of State for Municipalities and the
Environment in conjunction with each Governorate's Governor. A complex
system of courts, based on diverse legal sources, including Sunni
and Shi'a Sharia (religious law), tribal law, and other civil codes
and regulation, was created with the help of British advisers in
the early 20th century. This judiciary administers the legal code
and reviews laws to ensure their constitutionality.
Executive branch
| Main office holders |
| Office |
Name |
Party |
Since |
| King |
Hamad ibn Isa al-Khalifah |
|
March 6, 1999 |
| Prime Minister |
Khalifah ibn Sulman al-Khalifah |
|
1971 |
The cabinet is appointed by the
monarch, but individual members can be removed by parliament through
a no-confidence vote.
Administrative divisions
Bahrain is divided in 12 municipalities (manatiq, singular - mintaqah);
Al Hadd, Al Manamah, Al Mintaqah al Gharbiyah, Al Mintaqah al Wusta,
Al Mintaqah ash Shamaliyah, Al Muharraq, Ar Rifa' wa al Mintaqah
al Janubiyah, Jidd Hafs, Madinat Hamad, Madinat 'Isa, Juzur Hawar,
Sitrah. All these municipalities are administered from Manama.
International organization
participation
ABEDA, AFESD, AL, AMF, ESCWA, FAO, G-77, GCC, IBRD, ICAO, ICRM,
IDB, IFC, IFRCS, IHO, ILO, IMF, IMO, Inmarsat, Intelsat, Interpol,
IOC, ISO (correspondent), ITU, NAM, OAPEC, OIC, OPCW, UN, UNCTAD,
UNESCO, UNIDO, UPU, WFTU, WHO, WIPO, WMO, WTrO
National Security
External Threats
Though juxtaposed between much larger neighbors, the tiny island
Kingdom of Bahrain does not face any immediate threats from foreign
nations. Likewise, it is not currently involved in any international
disputes. In the recent past, however, relations between Bahrain
and two other Gulf states – Iran and Qatar – were less
than equitable. The government of Bahrain has made a concerted effort
to improve relations with both. Relations with Iran were initially
strained over Bahrain’s 1981 discovery of an Iranian-sponsored
plot to stage a coup. Bahrain’s suspicion that Iran had also
instigated domestic political unrest in the 1990s fueled the tension.
Bahrain’s recent efforts to improve relations with Iran include
encouraging trade between the respective nations, as well as promoting
maritime security cooperation. Hostile relations between Bahrain
and Qatar stemmed from a longstanding territorial dispute. On March
16, 2001, an International Court of Justice (ICJ) ruling facilitated
a peaceful settlement of the matter. The ICJ granted sovereignty
over the Hawar Islands and Qit’at Jaradah to Bahrain and sovereignty
over Zubarah (part of the Qatar Peninsula), Janan Island and Fasht
ad Dibal to Qatar.
Crime
Bahrain has a very low crime rate. However, several anti-American
demonstrations took place in 2002, during one of which the United
States (U.S.) Embassy was attacked with firebombs, and again at
the onset of Operation Iraqi Freedom in 2003. Americans have also
been the victims of isolated incidents of aggressive behavior and
violence in Bahrain.
Insurgencies
The government of Bahrain does not face any immediate threats from
individuals or organizations that seek to undermine its sovereignty.
In the past, however, it has been forced to contend with political
uprisings. The government foiled an attempted coup in 1981. The
disaffection of Bahrain’s Shi’a majority precipitated
a series of violent incidents in the 1990s. Legislative reforms
aimed at addressing the estranged population’s underlying
grievances initially held the violence in check. In 1996 tensions
resurfaced, however, and a number of hotel and restaurant bombings
resulted in numerous casualties. The government subsequently arrested
over 1,000 individuals for their alleged participation in the incidents
and proceeded to hold them without trial.
The political situation in Bahrain
appears to have stabilized. Shaikh Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa assumed
the throne in March 1999 upon the death of his father, Shaikh Isa
bin Hamad Al Khalifa, the ruler of Bahrain since 1961. He continued
to implement democratic reforms, including the transformation of
Bahrain from a hereditary emirate to a constitutional monarchy,
and in so doing changed his status from emir to king. He also pardoned
all political prisoners and detainees, including those who had been
arrested for their unsubstantiated participation in the 1996 bombings
as well as abolishing the State Security Law and the State Security
Court, which had permitted the government to detain individuals
without trial for up to 3 years. Because of the changes that the
King Khalifa has implemented during his reign, Bahrain has not experienced
a resurgence of political violence.
Terrorism
The government of Bahrain has actively cooperated with the international
community in general and the United States in particular to combat
global terrorism. Basing and extensive over flight clearances that
it has granted U.S. military aircraft contributed to the success
of Operation Enduring Freedom. The government of Bahrain has cooperated
closely on criminal investigations linked to terrorism. Likewise,
it has taken steps to prevent terrorist organizations from using
the nation’s well-developed financial system. Not all of Bahrain’s
citizens have applauded their government’s efforts, however,
particular vis-à-vis its support for U.S. initiatives. Several
anti-American demonstrations took place in 2002, during one of which
the U.S. embassy was attacked with firebombs, and again at the onset
of Operation Iraqi Freedom in 2003. Americans have also been the
victims of isolated incidents of aggressive behavior and violence
in Bahrain.
In 2005, Bahrain, as one of the
six members of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), agreed to intensify
coordination in the fight against terrorism in response to instability
in the region. They called for a clear definition of terrorism so
that it could be differentiated from other criminal activities or
activities such as rightful struggles against foreign occupation
for example.
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